This page presents an introduction to and analysis of the dilemma. It does so through the integration of real-world scenarios and case studies, examination of emerging economy contexts and exploration of the specific business risks posed by the dilemma. It also suggests a range of actions that responsible companies can take in order to manage and mitigate those risks.
The dilemma for responsible businesses is how to ensure that their procurement of minerals through their supply chains does not profit armed groups in producer countries – or provide such groups with incentives to control strategic mining areas and trading routes through violent means.
The concept of ‘conflict minerals' builds upon the experience of the diamond industry in the 1990s, when ‘conflict diamonds' came to prominence. This was as a result of their role in helping fund civil wars against legitimate governments in countries, such as Angola, DR Congo and Sierra Leone. These conflicts were often characterised by severe human rights abuses, including those relating to unlawful killing, sexual violence, torture, forced labour, including the use of child soldiers, and many others. Conflict diamonds have largely been excluded from international diamond flows as a result of concerted international action and national compliance by rough diamond exporting and importing countries (in the form of the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme), as well as the subsidence of conflict in diamond-producing areas – although the risk of their re-emergence is ever-present and diamonds are still associated with violence in parts of the Ivory Coast, Venezuela, DRC and Zimbabwe.
Other minerals such as tin, tantalum, tungsten, coltan and gold extracted from conflict zones, such as North and South Kivu in DR Congo, are now coming under particular scrutiny. In some instances, the illegal exploitation of these minerals is helping finance armed groups and directly contributes to the maintenance of conflict. Most notably, these minerals have also been associated with sexual violence against women and girls in the North and South Kivus.
According to a report from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), Minerals & Conflict: A Toolkit for Intervention, the presence of valuable minerals in a conflict zone can have important impacts in terms of:
In addition, the presence of conflict minerals can provide incentives for armed groups to deliberately undermine any legitimate regulation that would limit such groups' ability to enrich themselves – or help ensure these minerals contribute to broader socio-economic development (whether through legitimate private enterprise and/or the collection of resource revenues by the government).
Experience has shown that one of the key means by which armed groups access, control and exploit conflict minerals is through the deliberate terrorisation and exploitation of local populations – often through serious and systematic human rights abuses, such as rape, unlawful killings and forced labour. As a result, there is a real risk of complicity in those abuses on the part of multi-national companies (MNCs) buying such minerals or their derivatives or facilitating their entrance into legitimate flows of minerals in peaceful neighbouring countries, for example.
Growing public consciousness of these issues and the personal initiative of US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton has helped to prompt regulation in the US that requires companies to report annually on whether a range of relevant conflict minerals exist in their supply chains. If they do exist, companies must outline the steps taken to ensure they are not contributing to the on-going conflict.
Despite the obvious moral, reputational and now regulatory incentives for MNCs to avoid coming into contact with conflict minerals, lengthy, multi-layered and international supply chains mean this is rarely a straightforward task. This makes it relatively difficult for companies to say with total confidence that none of their products contain any mineral that has been associated with conflict or related human rights abuses.
Furthermore, it is likely that many companies will ultimately seek to exclude all minerals from countries in which there is even a possibility that they have been associated with conflict. This approach has the potential to remove one of the few sources of income available to otherwise legitimate artisanal miners (or other operators) who are in no way linked to conflict or related human rights abuses– and, indeed, who contribute to local development.
Indeed, there have already been claims that provisions in the US Dodd-Frank Act aimed at excluding conflict minerals from US supply chains (through increased transparency – see below) are already resulting in "a de facto embargo" on minerals from the region.2 This is because it is seen as easier to simply avoid DR Congo rather than navigate its complex political and human rights context – and instead focus on sourcing minerals from other countries. It is reported that this is already having an impact on artisanal mining communities.3 Indeed, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute notes that a "narrow understanding" of what constitutes conflict resources "misses the crucial point that resources that are used to fund armed conflict at the same time provide livelihoods to many people who work in and around artisanal mines — albeit usually without licences—but are not directly involved in the conflict".4
As a result, responsible MNCs ideally need to take a more nuanced approach that is not going to undermine the legitimate economic development of these countries, particularly economies like DRC that desperately need business investment to ensure post-conflict recovery. This arguably includes not only considering how to exclude conflict minerals from their supply chains, but also how they can improve the legitimate trade of minerals that have been extracted by artisanal diggers in small scale ad hoc and informal operations in areas of underdevelopment and instability.
The Enough Project – an NGO focused on tackling conflict in Africa – has surveyed the 21 largest electronics companies to assess their progress in achieving conflict-free supply chains. The survey was carried out with the aim of helping consumers make informed purchasing decisions.
Companies that the Enough Project identified as ‘falling behind' in this respect included:
In December 2010, the Wall Street Journal reported that the Retail Industry Leaders Association (RILA), whose members include Wal-Mart and Target, wrote to the US government in relation to the application of relevant disclosure provisions of the Dodd-Frank Act around conflict minerals. RILA reportedly argued that some of its members should be exempt from these provisions by virtue of the fact that they do not exercise direct control over the manufacturing of goods carrying their brands. Two authors of the relevant provisions (Senator Richard Durbin and Representative Jim McDermott) are reported as saying that retailers who contract for the manufacture of goods should comply with the requirement. Otherwise, they argued in a letter to the Security and Exchanges Commission (which is responsible for the application of the Act), "a large, non-transparent use of the black market for DRC conflict minerals would remain, directly subverting the policy intention of the law".
In April 2010, a group of investors representing US$200bn in assets issued a statement calling on companies to "acknowledge and address" the issue of conflict minerals originating in DR Congo "on a more systematic basis throughout their global supply chains". In particular, the group (which includes Calvert Asset Management, Boston Common Asset Management, Trillium Asset Management, F&C Management and others) recommended that companies:
While the US Dodd-Frank Act requiring companies to trace the origin of particular minerals in central Africa may seem only to apply to a relatively few number of enterprises (currently 6,000, directly, as identified by the Security and Exchange Commission (SEC)), the knock-on effect may be far wider-reaching. The National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) wrote to the SEC on 1 August 2012, before the Commission's release of the final rules on 22 August 2012, to highlight that each issuing company will have between 2,000 and 10,000 first-tier suppliers, with giants such as food manufacturer, Kraft, having as many as 100,000. These suppliers will have to report to partners on the source of certain materials, and whilst conscientious businesses will seek indemnification against potentially inaccurate information, there still exists the perhaps greater societal risk that suppliers will simply prefer to withdraw from such business rather than bear the costs of heightened regulatory demands.5 If this does occur, proactive steps towards ending the use of conflict materials in all supply chains may be markedly hindered.
1 United States Agency for International Development (USAID), 2005, Minerals& Conflict: A Toolkit for Intervention, http://www.usaid.gov/our_work/cross-cutting_programs/conflict/publications/docs/CMM_Minerals_and_Conflict_Toolkit_April_2005.pdf
2 New York Times, 7 August 2011,How Congress Devastated Congo, http://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/08/opinion/how-congress-devastated-congo.html?_r=1&ref=global
3 Reuters, 5 May 2011, Congo miners suffer as traceability rule bite, http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/05/05/congo-democratic-minerals-idUSLDE7431UG20110505
4 SIPRI Policy Paper, June 2011,Conflict Minerals in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, http://books.sipri.org/files/PP/SIPRIPP27.pdf
5 The Wall Street Journal, 14 September 2012, Conflict Minerals Rules Could Reverberate Through Supply Chain,
The conflict minerals which are currently of particular focus have a wide variety of commercial applications. For example:
The wide range of applications means that companies operating in different sectors are potentially exposed to conflict minerals in their supply chains. Particularly high-risk sectors include the following:
The conflict mineral journey
According to the Provincial Division of Mines in North Kivu, the following countries are the main destinations for cassiterite, coltan and wolframite exported from conflict areas of eastern DR Congo:
In its report, Do No Harm, Global Witness has outlined the process by which these conflict minerals make their way from mine sites in DR Congo into the end-products manufactured by MNCs.8 This is included for the purpose of illustration:
In light of this process, it is important to note that the ‘downstream' end-manufacturers of specific goods are not the only companies that need to address conflict minerals. Other ‘upstream' companies that will need to pay particular attention to this issue include, for example:
The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) has identified a series of ‘Red Flags', which should trigger companies to implement relevant due diligence standards and processes relating to cassiterite, tantalite and wolframite (see below).10 This guidance can be of use to companies trying to assess whether they are potentially exposed to conflict minerals in their supply chain.
‘Red Flags' with respect to "locations of origin and transit" include the following:
‘Red Flags' with respect to suppliers include the following:
The OECD notes that if a company is unable to determine whether minerals in its possession come from a "Red Flag location of mineral origin or transit", then it should still seek to apply initial due diligence.
NGO Global Witness says that ‘Red Flag' countries in this context include DR Congo, as well as its neighbouring states Angola, Burundi, the Central African Republic, and the Republic of the Congo, Rwanda, Sudan, Uganda, Tanzania and Zambia – as well as Kenya (known as the ‘Great Lakes Region').11 This is due to the transit of conflict minerals through DR Congo's neighbours, the ‘mis-declaration' of conflict minerals as originating from these same countries and the trans-boundary nature of violence in eastern DR Congo. The NGO further notes that companies should carry out due diligence if:
6 With much of this likely to be re-exported to third countries
7 Cited in SIPRI Policy Paper, June 2011, Conflict Minerals in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, http://books.sipri.org/files/PP/SIPRIPP27.pdf
8 Global Witness, July 2010, Do No Harm – Excluding Conflict Minerals from the Supply Chain, http://www.globalwitness.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/do_no_harm_global_witness.pdf
9 The Enough Project reported in September 2009 that Thaisarco had suspended imports from DR Congo. See http://www.enoughproject.org/blogs/tin-industry-giant-thaisarco-suspends-purchases-congo. In March 2011, Bloomberg reported that the Malaysia Smelting Corporation was considering suspending imports from Central Africa. See http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-03-09/msc-may-halt-mineral-purchases-from-central-africa-itri-says.html
10 OECD, 2010, Due Diligence Guidance for Responsible Supply Chains of Minerals from Conflict-Affected and High-Risk Areas, http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/62/30/46740847.pdf
11 Global Witness, July 2010, Do No Harm – Excluding Conflict Minerals from the Supply Chain, http://www.globalwitness.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/do_no_harm_global_witness.pdf
12 Ibid. Part-processing of illicitly-sourced raw materials is a tried and tested means of evading supply chain controls internationally.
The nature of conflict minerals – and their role within the global supply chain – means that they are of particular relevance to areas of instability or weak rule of law. Despite the fact that many of these minerals will at some point be processed in growth markets (for example through smelting or the manufacture of product subcomponents), it is the source of these minerals rather than their route through the supply chain that makes them of such concern to multinational companies and the governments that regulate their overseas activities.
As a result, it is arguably more relevant to focus on the countries in which conflict minerals are extracted and transported, then exported – eventually making their way into ‘legitimate' global mineral trade as they are amalgamated through mixing and smelting.
Angola: Diamonds are Angola's most important mineral export. Although this is becoming more formalised, a significant proportion of production takes place via small-scale miners – many of them illegal. Rough diamonds are sold legitimately through the government's diamond-buying parastatal. Nonetheless, many producers continue to bypass this system to pursue higher prices. According to the US Department of State's 2011 Human Rights Report on Angola, the financial statements of the parastatal were not made public, and serious transparency issues remain, particularly in relation to exploration, production, purchasing rights, and revenue reporting. Forced labour also occurs in the artisanal diamond mining sector, and migrant workers are employed under such conditions in diamond mining areas such as Lunda Norte and Lunda Sol.13 The government has established an export certification scheme aligned with the Kimberley Process to identify legitimate production and sales. The Angolan military was an active participant in DR Congo's civil wars, playing a relatively decisive role in supporting Laurent Kabila.
Angola is classed as a ‘DRC country' under the Dodd Frank Act, meaning minerals sourced from this country are subject to its terms.
Burundi: Burundi has a range of mineral resources, including nickel, copper and gold. Nonetheless, these are not being exploited in a material way. According to reports, however, artisanal gold likely to be linked to mines controlled by the Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Rwanda (FDLR) or Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo (FARDC) in South Kivu, DR Congo has been exported to Burundi across Lake Tanganyika.14
Burundi is classed as a ‘DRC country' under the Dodd Frank Act, meaning minerals sourced from this country are subject to its terms.
Central African Republic: Although relatively rich in natural resources (including diamonds, gold and uranium), these are underexploited – although diamonds exports make up 50% of national exports.
Central African Republic is classed as a ‘DRC country' under the Dodd Frank Act, meaning minerals sourced from this country are subject to its terms.
DR Congo: DRC is one of the richest countries in the world in terms of reserves of mineral resources. As well as significant deposits of precious stones and diamonds, it is estimated that DRC contains 80% of the world's columbite-tantalite (coltan) reserves, 45% of its cobalt reserves, and 2.9% of the world's copper reserves; while the gold potential is substantially underexplored.15
According to the US Geological Survey, DR Congo accounts for the following proportions of world production of each respective mineral:
The World Bank estimates that based on a value of recorded mineral trade of about US$500 million in 2005 and 2006 (excluding diamonds), the Congolese government should have received at least 10%, or US$50 million, in tax revenues. However, the government reported tax revenues of only US$26.7 million in 2005 and US$11.7 million in 2006 from the entire mining sector (including diamonds). In 2009, the US Geological Survey (USGS) noted that artisanal miners accounted for most output of diamond, gold, niobium, tantalum, tin, and tungsten – as well as a significant proportion of cobalt.17
War legacy
The second phase of fighting in DR Congo (running from 1998 to 2003 – and sometimes known as the Second Congo War) is estimated to have resulted in the deaths of up to 5.4 million people.18 It was prompted by a rising against then President Laurent Kabila by rebels backed by Rwanda and Uganda.19 Zimbabwe and Namibia sent troops to help repel them – with Angolan troops also being sent in support of Kabila. The rebels subsequently took control of much of the east of the country.
The Report of the Panel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth of the Democratic Republic of the Congo found that countries involved in the civil war in Congo (such as Rwanda and Uganda, amongst others) developed significant economic interests in the country that undermined government efforts to regulate the minerals sector. Indeed, it was alleged that the protagonists in the conflict were deliberately prolonging the conflict to facilitate their exploitation of natural resources.20
Joseph Kabila (son of Laurent) was elected president in 2006 under a new constitution, following the establishment of an interim government in 2003. This did not, however, result in a total cessation of fighting – with armed groups continuing to operate in the east of the country. These included the FDLR, the CNDP and rogue units of the FARDC.
The Final report of the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo of 2008 showed how these rebel groups financed their activities through illicit mining, and with the support of authorities in both DR Congo and Rwanda.21 A further report, the Interim report of the Group of Expert on the Democratic Republic of the Congo of 2011, said armed groups (including the FDLR and groups within the FARDC) continued to exploit minerals illegally – and to carry out serious human rights abuses against civilians.22
Militia-controlled mining
In 2010, the government of the DR Congo suspended mining in the eastern Mainema, North-Kivu and South-Kivu provinces, in order to remove military and rebel groups from the local mineral trade. The operation was largely successful, and by the end of the year, most of the trade was under Congolese military control, with the FDLR and Mai-Mai forces having been removed from mining areas in the Fizi, Kalehe, Mwenga, and Shabunda Territories. However, the groups still controlled some mines and did engage is some retaliatory attacks.23
Artisanal miners also produce cassiterite in Katanga, Maniema, Nord-Kivu, and Sud-Kivu Provinces. This includes the mines at Bisie, which were controlled by the 85th Brigade of the FARDC (a renegade unit made up of former Mai-Mai militia fighters) between March 2006 and March 2009. In 2009, production at Bisie was estimated at around 5,500 tonnes. It is believed that 95% of the 85th Brigade's revenues were sourced from illegal taxation and trade of minerals. The unit was replaced by the 1st Brigade of the FARDC, which reportedly continued the practice of illegal taxation there.24 However, Global Witness researchers visiting the nearby trading towns of Njingala and Mubi in April 2011 were told that FARDC units had left the mining area and that illegal military taxation barriers had been taken down. This appeared to be as a result of efforts to restructure the army.25
Meanwhile, cassiterite mines near Shabunda and Kalehe have been held by the so-called ‘integrated' forces of the FARDC, made up of former Congrès National pour la Défense du People (CNDP) fighters. The FARDC also controlled mines near Tubimbi, Lemera Mines, and Mushangi/Lutunkulu in South Kivu Province. Similarly, the FDLR controlled cassiterite mines in Walikale, Mwenga and Uvira in South Kivu– and the Mai-Mai militia controlled mines in Bafwasende, Orientale Province.
According to reports, significant volumes of cassiterite were processed into a 65% tin concentrate prior to export. Processing was reportedly carried out by companies such as Mining and Processing Congo (MPC) (a subsidiary of Kivu Resources) and Society for Mining Development (Sodexmines) (a subsidiary of Elwyn Blattner Group of the US).26
About 4,100 artisanal miners reportedly produced wolframite (and cassiterite) on Idjwi Island in South Kivu, DR Congo. Wolframite is also mined in Maniema and North Kivu. The FDLR reportedly mined wolframite near Lutika and the CNDP controlled the Bishasha wolframite mine.
Artisanal diamond miners reportedly produced 16.8m carats in 2010. According to NGO Partnership Africa Canada, production from the Kilau and Vatican mines in North Kivu were used to finance the FDLR.[27]
Reform efforts
In September 2010, the government imposed a mining ban following fighting that drove the FDLR (and some Mai-Mai fighters) out of some mining areas. Despite this, FARDC units took control of some of these sites, imposing their own forms of exploitation (particularly those units made up of former CNDP fighters). During the time of the ban, cassiterite production appears to have fallen – a trend that continued after the ban was lifted in March 2011. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, this was because the main international buyer refused to accept minerals that could not be traced back to the mine of origin. This appears to have correspondingly resulted in a reduction in the military presence in mining areas.28
In late February 2011, President Kabila held consultations with mining stakeholders and government ministries. This was with the aim of securing their commitment to reform the trade in minerals ahead of the lifting of a mining ban in the east of the country on 10 March 2011. New measures include the following:
The government has also issued mandatory procedures with respect to the traceability of minerals (from mine to export). It is hoped that these will be implemented in conjunction with the ITRI (International Tin Research Institute) Tin Supply Chain Initiative– see below). Commissions made up of the provincial governments, FARDC, mining police, private sector and UN organisations have reportedly been established in the Kivus to monitor implementation and drive wider reforms.29
Ivory Coast: Ivory Coast has been subject to years of civil war, with fighting starting in 2002 between the government in the south of the country, and rebels in the north. This was prompted by political tensions between people of local heritage and those whose families originated from abroad (e.g. Burkina Faso, Mali and other places) –and resulted in the deployment of UN peacekeepers.
A formal peace agreement was reached in 2007 and presidential elections took place in 2010 –with preliminary results showing former Prime Minister Alassane Ouattara to be the winner, and incumbent President Laurent Gbagbo to be the loser. The results were contested by the ruling party, which alleged fraudulent electoral practices in the north of the country, controlled by the Forces Nouvelles de Côte d'Ivoire rebel group. This resulted the outbreak of new fighting as Gbagbo was declared victor by the Constitutional Council, despite the findings of international observers and the UN. Ouattara's supporters ultimately took control of much of the country – and captured Gbagbo in April 2011. Ouattara was subsequently inaugurated as president.
A report published by the UN Group of Experts in 2011 found that rough diamonds were continuing to be mined in rebel-held areas – and were providing funding for the Forces Nouvelles. It was also suspected that weak controls in neighbouring countries meant these diamonds were being smuggled out of the country and were entering the legitimate international diamond trade.
In 2005, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1643 (2005), which – amongst other things – stopped the importation of rough diamonds from Ivory Coast.30 In April 2011, the UN Security Council renewed its arms embargo and diamond trade ban on Ivory Coast until 30 April 2012.
Republic of the Congo: The Republic of Congo experienced internal fighting in 1993 as a result of disputed parliamentary elections. A ceasefire was established between 1994/5 – although a full civil war followed in 1997, resulting in the instalment of Sassou Nguesso in power (aided by Angolan troops). A peace deal in 1999 resulted in the adoption of a new constitution in 2001, the disarmament of former militiamen and the election of Sassou Nguesso in presidential elections (from which his main rivals were barred) in 2002. In the same year, fighting between government forces and ‘Ninja' rebels (supporters of former Prime Minister Bernard Kolelas) broke out in the Pool region – although a peace deal was achieved in 2003. In 2007 former ‘Ninja' fighters burnt their weapons in a demonstration of their commitment to peace.
In 2004, the Kimberley Process removed the Republic of Congo from its list of compliant countries, effectively suspending its ability to legitimately export its diamonds.
Republic of Congo is classed as a ‘DRC country' under the Dodd Frank Act, meaning minerals sourced from this country are subject to its terms.
Rwanda: The Rwandan military was active in DR Congo during fighting there in the late 1990s and early 2000s. During its time there, it established a number of economic interests – including the extraction of minerals in eastern DR Congo.
Rwanda continues to have a close interest in the unstable eastern provinces of DR Congo. For example, it had traditionally supported the CNDP rebel group, which was launched in 2006 by a renegade Tutsi general (Laurent Nkunda) to protect Tutsis living in eastern DR Congo (as well as Congolese refugees of Tutsi heritage living in Rwanda). Before its integration into the FARDC, it was a key protagonist in the fight against the Hutu-aligned FDLR rebels.
At its core, the FDLR leadership includes Hutu members of the Interahamwe, who perpetrated the 1994 Rwandan genocide. As a result, the Rwandan government has had a direct interest in holding them to account.31
According to Global Witness, "Rwanda has long been the main conduit for conflict minerals passing out of eastern DRC and into the global supply chain".32 For example, it is believed that wolframite and cassiterite produced by artisanal miners on Idjwi Island in South Kivu, DR Congo may have been smuggled out via nearby Rwanda.
Likewise, the Enough! Project qualifies Rwanda as a transit country for conflict minerals being transported out of eastern DR Congo. These are then reclassified as having originated from Rwanda. For example, the NGO notes that Rwanda's mineral exports rose 62% between 2010 and 2011, despite domestic mining only increasing by 22%, while DR Congo's mineral exports dropped by 75%. Renewed violence from the Rwanda-backed M23 rebels threatens to increase further the smuggling of conflict materials.33
Although the government has taken little action on the issue in the past, it has expressed a desire to demonstrate that its mineral supply chain is ‘clean'. Government efforts include, for example, regulations introduced in March 2011 requiring traceability of all Rwandan mineral production and trade.
Rwanda is classed as a ‘DRC country' under the Dodd Frank Act, meaning minerals sourced from this country are subject to its terms.
Sudan: Sudanese forces were reported to have been briefly involved in fighting in DR Congo during the Second Congo War– in support of President Laurent Kabila. Although they subsequently withdrew from the country, they have been accused by critics of providing support to Ugandan rebel/armed groups in opposition to the Ugandan government, and which have a presence in the country – including the Lord's Resistance Army.
Sudan is classed as a ‘DRC country' under the Dodd Frank Act, meaning minerals sourced from this country are subject to its terms.
Tanzania: Tanzania was not a participant in fighting within DR Congo during the Second Congo War – and nor has it been accused of supporting rebel groups there afterwards. Nonetheless, it is thought that the port of Dar es Salaam is ,along with the Kenyan port of Mombassa, a key export point for conflict minerals from the Great Lakes region.[34] In March 2011, Tanzania's Chamber for Minerals and Energy warned that regulations in Dodd Frank Act would seriously undermine the domestic gold mining industry.[35]
Tanzania is classed as a ‘DRC country' under the Dodd Frank Act, meaning minerals sourced from this country are subject to its terms.
Uganda: As with the Rwandan military, the Ugandan military was an active participant in fighting in DR Congo in the late 1990s and early 2000s. During this time, it established mineral interests in the east of the country. The UN Group of Experts have characterised this as ‘systematic exploitation' and has noted a number of indications that the senior officers in the Ugandan military were at least partly motivated to occupy parts of the country for commercial reasons.36 The International Court of Justice ruled in 2005 that Uganda should pay reparations to DR Congo for violating the principles of non-intervention with its armed forces from 1993-2003.37
According to the Enough! Project, Uganda has also been a transit country for conflict minerals being transported out of eastern DR Congo. These are often reclassified as having been sourced from Uganda.38 Small groups of Ugandan smugglers carry Congloese gold by hand in briefcases, to sell in Dubai, from where it makes its way to US, European, and Asian markets, via Switzerland and India.39
Uganda is classed as a ‘DRC country' under the Dodd Frank Act, meaning minerals sourced from this country are subject to its terms.
Zambia: Like Tanzania, Zambia was not a participant in fighting within DR Congo during the Second Congo War – and nor has it been accused of supporting rebel groups there afterwards. According to the Cobalt Development Institute, around 50% of cobalt is produced in DR Congo– most of it in the southern province of Katanga. This well-established mining region is part of the broader ‘copper-belt', which extends into Zambia. As a result, there is a potential risk that conflict minerals sourced from the Kivu provinces in DR Congo may make their way into Zambian supply chains via Katanga.[40]
Zambia is classed as a ‘DRC country' under the Dodd Frank Act, meaning minerals sourced from this country are subject to its terms.
Zimbabwe: A major diamond find in Marange in 2006 has given rise to serious controversy. The area was inundated with thousands of artisanal miners (prompted by the background economic crisis the country was then experiencing). Shortly afterwards, a police operation was launched to address illegal mining across the country. The police regained control of Marange, whilst carrying out a range of alleged abuses, including killings, torture and beatings, to drive out illegal miners – and to exploit the field themselves. The army (which remains under the control of the Zanu-PF ruling party), subsequently took control of the diamond fields in 2008. It is alleged that they killed around 200 people in the process (named ‘Operation Hakudzokwi'), which reportedly included the use of helicopter gunships.
NGO Human Rights Watch claims that since then, the "police and army have used brutal force to control access to the diamond fields and to take over unlicensed diamond mining and trading". This has reportedly included instances of both forced and child labour. Human Rights Watch also alleges that some income from the diamond fields has been channelled to senior Zanu-PF officials.41
Events at Marange have caused controversy around the implementation of the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme. This was developed in the 1990s to help ensure that rough diamonds linked to conflict were excluded from the international value chain. In 2009, restrictions were placed on the export of gems from the Marange field, after Kimberley Process representatives identified human-rights violations and smuggling at the site. This took place amid arguments around whether the Kimberley Process should be invoked in a ‘non-conflict' setting, but where serious human rights abuses appear to have taken place.
In July 2010, Zimbabwe was given permission to carry out two supervised exports of stones from Marange. This followed the imposition of a Joint Work Plan with Harare to improve conditions at Marange and bring production there in line with the Kimberley Process requirements.
Since then, there has been a state of impasse amongst Kimberley Process members, until June 2011 when Mathieu Yamba – the current chair of the Kimberley Process – said the export of Marange diamonds could proceed.42 This drew statements opposing the move from a range of participants, including the US, EU and others, claiming this decision was not made on a unanimous basis – as required by Kimberley Process rules. In August 2012, Zimbabwe was cleared to resume its supervised export of diamonds from Marang, following which, Mines Minister Obert Mpofu state that the country is committed to upholding Kimberley standards, "in a way that has never been seem before".43 The Zimbabwean government sent soldiers to assist President Laurent Kabila in 1998 and was an active participant in fighting in DR Congo during its civil war. The UN Group of Experts have said that Zimbabwe part-financed its involvement in the war through direct payment by some Congolese companies – and other entities. This reportedly included state-owned copper miner Gecamines.
In addition Zimbabwean companies are believed to have been offered commercial incentives by the Congolese government (such as joint ventures) to help persuade the Zimbabwean government to provide it with military support.
13 US Department of State, Human Rights Report 2011: Angola,
14 US Geological Survey, 2009, Minerals Yearbook, Congo (Kinshasa), http://minerals.usgs.gov/minerals/pubs/country/2009/myb3-2009-cg.pdf
15 US Department of the Interior/US Geological Service, 2012, Mineral Commodity Summaries,
16 ibid
17 US Geological Survey, 2010, Minerals Yearbook, Congo (Kinshasa), http://minerals.usgs.gov/minerals/pubs/country/2010/myb3-2010-cg.pdf
18 However, it has since been claimed that the figure may be significantly lower than this due to the nature of the original methodology. International Rescue Committee, 2007, Mortality in the Democratic Republic of Congo, http://www.rescue.org/sites/default/files/resource-file/2006-7_congoMortalitySurvey.pdf
19 Uganda supported the Congolese Liberation Movement, whilst Rwanda supported the Rally for Congolese Democracy.
20 UN Panel of Experts, April 2001, Report of the Panel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, http://www.un.org/News/dh/latest/drcongo.htm
21 UN Group of Experts, November 2008, Final report of the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo, http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/2008/773
22 UN Group of Experts, June 2012, Final report of the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo, http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/2012/348
23 US Geological Survey, 2010, Minerals Yearbook, Congo (Kinshasa), http://minerals.usgs.gov/minerals/pubs/country/2010/myb3-2010-cg.pdf
24 US Geological Survey, 2009, Minerals Yearbook, Congo (Kinshasa), 2009, http://minerals.usgs.gov/minerals/pubs/country/2009/myb3-2009-cg.pdf
25 Global Witness, Congo's Minerals Trade in the Balance, May 2011, http://www.globalwitness.org/sites/default/files/library/Congo's%20minerals%20trade%20in%20the%20balance%20low%20res.pdf
26 US Geological Survey, 2009 Minerals Yearbook, Congo (Kinshasa),http://minerals.usgs.gov/minerals/pubs/country/2009/myb3-2009-cg.pdf
27 US Geological Survey, 2009, Minerals Yearbook, Congo (Kinshasa), http://minerals.usgs.gov/minerals/pubs/country/2009/myb3-2009-cg.pdf
28 SIPRI Policy Paper, Conflict Minerals in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, June 2011, http://books.sipri.org/files/PP/SIPRIPP27.pdf
29 Global Witness, May 2011, Congo's Minerals Trade in the Balance, http://www.globalwitness.org/library/congos-mineral-trade-balance-opportunities-and-obstacles-demilitarisation
30 UN Security Council, , 2005, Resolution 1643, http://www.unic.or.jp/security_co/pdf/res1643(2005).pdf
31 Human Rights Watch, September 2010, Always on the Run, http://www.hrw.org/en/node/92770/section/3
32 Global Witness, May 2011, Congo's Minerals Trade in the Balance, http://www.globalwitness.org/library/congos-mineral-trade-balance-opportunities-and-obstacles-demilitarisation
33 Enough Project, August 2012, From Congress to Congo,
34 Enough Project, April 2009, Comprehensive Approach to Congo's Conflict Minerals - Strategy Paper, http://www.enoughproject.org/publications/comprehensive-approach-conflict-minerals-strategy-paper
35 Resource Investor, March 2011,Conflict Mineral Supply Bottleneck Foreseen for Gold, http://www.resourceinvestor.com/2011/03/03/conflict-mineral-supply-bottleneck-foreseen-for-go
36 UN Panel of Experts, April 2001, Report of the Panel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, http://www.un.org/News/dh/latest/drcongo.htm
37 International Criminal Court, December 2005, Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo (Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Uganda), http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/116/10521.pdf?PHPSESSID=fb52680715181822837f9816b0a7ee6a
38 Enough Project, April 2009, Comprehensive Approach to Congo's Conflict Minerals - Strategy Paper, http://www.enoughproject.org/publications/comprehensive-approach-conflict-minerals-strategy-paper
39 Enough Project, August 2012, From Congress to Congo, http://www.enoughproject.org/files/ConflictMinerals_CongoFINAL.pdf [Accessed on 2 April 2013].
The main piece of legislation likely to affect MNCs is section 1502 of the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act (the Dodd-Frank Act) of the United States. The Act, which was signed into law in July 2010, applies to all companies that:
On 22 August 2012, the SEC issued a rule under Section 1502 implementing the disclosure requirements of the Act. According to the rule, certain companies must disclose their use of conflict minerals including tantalum, tin, gold, or tungsten, if those minerals are "necessary to the functionality or production of a product".44.
The draft regulations suggest that such companies will need to conduct reasonable due diligence around countries of origin to establish whether they come from DR Congo or its neighbours in the Great Lakes region of Africa (i.e. Angola, Burundi, Central African Republic, Congo (Brazzaville), Rwanda, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia).
If the minerals do not originate from this region, this fact must be included in the company's annual report and their website. In addition, they need to maintain relevant records of the enquiries that resulted in this conclusion.
If the minerals do originate from the region – or if it cannot be proven that they do not – then the company needs to:
A Conflict Minerals Report must currently include:
Having prepared their Conflict Minerals Report, relevant companies will need to describe those products that are not "DRC conflict free", where the relevant minerals are processed, the country of origin of these minerals, and efforts taken to identify the exact location of the source of such minerals.
The SEC estimates that more than 5,500 companies will need to make disclosures under the Act – with many of these concentrated in the electronics, communications, aerospace, car manufacturing, jewellery and industrial sectors. Of these, the SEC estimates that approximately 1,200 may currently source at least a proportion of their minerals from the DRC countries and will need to prepare and file a Conflict Minerals Report.45
Clearly, there can be serious commercial disadvantages if a company has to self-identify those products that are not "DRC conflict free".
In certain cases, conflict minerals will be subject to multilateral – or indeed unilateral sanctions. Companies will need – as a matter of legal compliance – to ensure that they do not breach these sanctions.
For example, UN Security Council Resolution 1857 (2008) (subsequently renewed by later resolutions) imposes a travel ban and asset freeze on "individuals or entities supporting the illegal armed groups in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo through illicit trade of natural resources".
UN Security Council Resolution 1952 (2010) suggests that the UN Security Council's Sanction Committee for DR Congo should consider whether individuals/entities have exercised due diligence when they are being considered for the application of sanctions for supporting illegal armed groups in eastern DR Congo. These include, for example, "strengthening company management systems, identifying and assessing supply chain risks, designing and implementing strategies to respond to identified risks, conducting independent audits, and publicly disclosing supply chain due diligence and findings".46
Criteria for designation by the Sanctions Committee include "Individuals or entities supporting the illegal armed Groups in the eastern part of the DRC through the illicit trade of natural resources, including as a consequence of not having exercised due diligence consistent with the steps set out in resolution 1952 (2010)."47
There will be cases where conflict minerals are themselves subject to direct sanctions. As noted above, this is the case with Ivory Coast. Under the most recent UN sanctions regime – which was based on Resolution 1643 (2005) – countries could not import rough diamonds from Ivory Coast. However, this ban lost effect on 30 April 2012 and, as of April 2013, has not been renewed.Any designation under this criterion, if renewed, would have an obvious legal, financial and reputational impact on MNCs – including potential asset-freezing and travel bans and national implementing laws.
Even if a company is not subject to legal sanctions for non-compliance with the law, allegations around conflict minerals can have a serious and lasting impact on companies' reputations.
In August 2008, for example, the UK's Department for Business Enterprise & Regulatory Reform made a public statement in which it confirmed that the activities of trading company Afrimex (U.K.) Ltd. – including the export of columbite-tantalite from DR Congo – helped fund armed rebels. It also noted that the company had failed to carry out adequate supply chain due diligence with respect to child labour and forced labour.
Owner Ketan Kotecha was reported as saying the finding was "crippling for Afrimex" and it was "unlikely to be able to continue trading". Deputy Mines Minister Victor Kasongo was reported as saying DR Congo would "suspend trade licenses" for all trading companies linked to Afrimex. The investigation into Afrimex was carried out by the UK National Contact Point for the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises. The original complaint against Afrimex was lodged by NGO Global Witness.
Companies linked to conflict minerals also face the risk of potential divestment. In June 2010, for example, trustees at Stanford University voted to create new guidelines for the university's investments in light of growing concerns over conflict minerals. The guidelines ask companies to report on their policies and the actions they take to establish whether minerals in their supply chain are illicitly funding armed groups in countries like DR Congo.
Activists are making particular efforts to ‘name and shame' companies they claim are linked to conflict minerals. In July 2009, for example, NGO Global Witness published a report Faced with a gun, what can you do?: War and the Militarisation of Mining in Eastern Congo, in which it accused a number of companies of being linked to the purchase of minerals produced under rebel control in DR Congo. It claims, for example, that several of the main trading houses (or comptoirs) in the cities of Goma and Bukavu in the eastern Kivu region of the country "buy, sell and export minerals produced by or benefiting the warring parties".
These comptoirs allegedly included Groupe Olive, Muyeye, MDM, Panju and others – which Global Witness says were selling these minerals on to European and Asian companies such as the Thailand Smelting and Refining Corporation (THAISARCO – the fifth largest tin producer in the world, owned by UK-based Amalgamated Metal Corporation), as well as Belgian companies Trademet and Traxys.
The report cites Congolese government statistics suggesting that Belgian-registered companies (including Trademet, Traxys, SDE, STI and Speciality Metals) accounted for the largest proportion of "cassiterite, wolframite and coltan imports from North and South Kivu in 2007 and from North Kivu from January to September 2008". In 2007, the report says that the next largest purchasers from the North and South Kivu region were THAISARCO, AMC, Afrimex, the Rwanda-based subsidiary of South African owned Kivu Resources, Malaysian Smelting Corporation Berhad. The report notes that four other companies (China-based African Ventures Ltd, Met Trade India Ltd, Russia-based Eurosib Logistics JSC and Canada-based BEB) accounted for "an increasing proportion of cassiterite imports from North Kivu between January and September 2008".
The report also notes that THAISARCO's main supplier in South Kivu is Panju, "one of the comptoirs identified by the Group of Experts as complicit in pre-financing négociants who work closely with the FDLR and are aware that certain mines they buy from are controlled by the FDLR". Global Witness cites AMC's 2007 Annual Report and Accounts as referring to THAISARCO as a "principal subsidiary and operating unit" in which it had a 75.25% interest.
Global Witness further claims that some of these companies also used suppliers who purchased minerals produced by the Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo (FARDC)48. It alleges that SDE bought cassiterite from Sodexmines – a main buyer from the Bisie mine, which was then under the control of the 85th brigade. SDE and Sodexmines are both part of the Blattner Elwyn group, which is owned by US national Elwyn Blattner.
As noted above, the Enough Project has been proactive in its efforts to make the public aware about the alleged failings of companies to address the issue of conflict minerals. This includes, for example, the publishing of companies perceived to be "falling behind"49, including Canon, Nintendo, Panasonic, SanDisk, Sharp and Toshiba.
Ironically, there is also a risk that companies that effectively exclude any minerals from DR Congo face criticism for undermining local development where it is needed most. For example, in April 2011 Bloomberg noted that "rules backed by Apple Inc. (AAPL) and Intel Corp. (INTC) to stop sales of minerals used in electronics from funding war in Central Africa" (i.e. the Conflict-Free Smelter Program) were, in effect, forcing local miners to seek new buyers in Asia.50 John Kanyoni, president of the mineral exporters association of North Kivu, is reported as saying "there is a de facto embargo" as smelters avoid buying minerals from Goma – in part, because local miners are unable to comply with these new rules yet. Jason Stearns, former head of the UN Group of Experts monitoring sanctions on DR Congo was reported as saying that Asian manufacturers were unlikely to make up for declining Western demand.
40 Cobalt Development Institute, 2011,Cobalt Supply Chain, http://www.thecdi.com/cdi/images/documents/facts/COBALT%20FACTS%20-%20Supply%20Chain.pdf
41 Human Rights Watch, June 2009,Diamonds in the Rough, http://www.hrw.org/en/node/83957/section/1
42 Wall Street Journal, 26 June 2011,Cracks Emerge in Kimberley Process,http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052702304569504576405280077800492.html
43 Voice of America, 6 August 2012, ‘Kimberley Process Clears Zimbabwe Diamonds for Expoer; US Chairmanship Mooted', http://www.voazimbabwe.com/content/kimberely-process-approves-zimbabwe-diamond-exports-133016123/1468357.html [Accessed on 2 April 2013].
44 US Securities and Exchange Commission, 22 August 2012, ‘SEC Adopts Rule for Disclosing Use of Conflict Minerals', http://www.sec.gov/news/press/2012/2012-163.htm [Accessed on 2 April 2013].
45 Ernst & Young, 2011, Conflict minerals Dodd-Frank Section 1502 and proposed SEC rule, http://www.ey.com/Publication/vwLUAssets/Conflict_minerals_Dodd-Frank_Act_Section_1502/$FILE/Conflict_minerals_Dodd-Frank_Act_Section_1502.pdf
46 UN Security Council, November 2010, Resolution 1952 (2010), http://www.eicc.info/documents/2010UNSecurityCouncilResolutionN1065523.pdf
According to the UN "Protect, Respect and Remedy" policy framework51 as recently updated and elaborated in the Guiding Principles for the Implementation of the UN "Protect, Respect and Remedy" Framework52 business has a responsibility to respect all human rights. To meet the requirements of the responsibility to respect human rights, the "Protect, Respect and Remedy" framework notes that a responsible company should avoid the infringement of the rights of others and address adverse impacts that may occur. This includes that businesses engage in human rights due diligence53 to the level commensurate with the risk of infringements posed by the country context in which a company operates, its own business activities and the relationships associated with those activities.54
The Guiding Principles for the Implementation of the UN "Protect, Respect and Remedy" Framework aim to provide "concrete and practical recommendations" about how businesses can operationalise their responsibility to respect human rights. According to the Guiding Principles, the responsibility to respect human rights requires responsible companies to
The framework, as clarified by the draft Guiding Principles document specifies the main components of human rights due diligence:
A statement of policy articulating the company's commitment to respect human rights and providing guidance as to the specific actions to be taken to give this commitment meaning: This policy should be informed by appropriate internal and external expertise and identify what the company expects of its personnel and business partners. The policy should be approved at the most senior level and communicated internally and externally to all personnel, business partners and relevant stakeholders. In addition, it should be reflected in appropriate operational policies and procedures
Periodic assessment of actual and potential human rights impacts of company activities and relationships: Human rights due diligence will vary in scope and complexity according to the size of a company, the severity of its human rights risks and the context of its operations. Impact assessment must be continuous, recognising that human rights risks may change over time as companies' operations and operating contexts evolve. The process should draw on internal and external human rights experts and resources. Furthermore, it should involve meaningful engagement with potentially affected individuals and groups, as well as other relevant stakeholders
Integration of these commitments into internal control and oversight systems: Effective integration requires responsibility for addressing such impacts to be assigned to the appropriate level and function. It also requires appropriate internal decision-making mechanisms, budget allocation and oversight processes
Tracking of performance: Tracking of performance should be based on appropriate qualitative and quantitative metrics and should draw on feedback from both internal and external stakeholders. In addition, it should inform and support continuous improvement
Public and regular reporting on performance: When reporting, companies should take into account the risks the communication of certain information may pose to stakeholders themselves, or to company personnel. In addition the content of the reports should be subject to the legitimate requirements of commercial confidentiality
Remediation: Where business enterprises identify responsibility for adverse impacts, they should provide for or cooperate in their remediation through legitimate processes
Furthermore, the UN Group of Experts on DR Congo has published a set of detailed Due Diligence Guidelines56 aimed at encouraging responsible supply chain of minerals from ‘red flag' locations to mitigate the risk of complicity with armed groups in the country. This sets out five different steps companies for companies to take to help ensure their supply chains are ‘clean'. These include:
Each of this actions are addressed below in further detail, in addition to other potential efforts companies can make to reduce the risk of coming into contact with conflict minerals. Although intended for application in DR Congo, the principles contained in the due diligence guidelines are equally applicable in other locations/contexts.
Likewise, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) has published its own Due Diligence Guidance for responsible supply chains of minerals from conflict-affected and high-risk areas. These are closely aligned to the UN Group of Experts' Due Diligence Guidelines. Where relevant, these are again addressed below in further detail.
Additional specific guidance is provided by the OECD within the Due Diligence Guidance for different upstream and downstream actors. This more specific guidance applies to companies operating in a "conflict-affected and high-risk area" or which are "potentially supplying or using tin (cassiterite), tantalum (tantalite) or tungsten (wolframite), or their smelted derivates, from a conflict-affected and high-risk area".
In light of such guidance, specific actions that responsible business might take include the following:57
In its Due Diligence Guidelines, the UN Group of Experts identifies four key steps in this process. These include:
In addition, the OECD Due Diligence Guidance also provides a Model Supply Chain Policy for a Responsible Supply Chain of Minerals from Conflict-Affected and High-Risk Areas. This model policy is likely to be useful to any company seeking to develop its own policy with respect to conflict minerals. It includes, for example, detailed policy provisions around:
Global Witness suggests that one way in which a company can ensure suppliers meet its supply chain policy is the incorporation of a standard suppliers' declaration. This would require suppliers to confirm that they will comply with the company's conflict minerals supply chain policy and to cooperate with the company's related due diligence activities.59
Downstream companies
Specific management system provisions suggested by the OECD for downstream companies (e.g. nearer the point of sale than extraction) – the group within which most MNCs would likely fall – include:
Upstream companies
Specific management system provisions suggested by the OECD for upstream companies (e.g. nearer the point of extraction than sale) include:
The OECD further recommends that companies should build strong, long-term relationships with their suppliers in order to ensure they apply relevant due diligence processes and standards. This includes, for example, the clear communication of company expectations, the incorporation of relevant ethical supply chain measures into commercial contracts (including, where necessary, the right to conduct unannounced spot-checks and document inspections. As part of this process, companies can explore ways in which they can build supplier capability so they are better able to conform to the company's ethical supply chain policy. They can likewise develop measurable improvement plans with suppliers – in some cases with the help of government and/or NGO involvement.
Like the UN Group of Exports, the OECD recommends that companies develop grievance/whistleblowing mechanisms (directly, through a collaborative arrangement or through a third party) to raise relevant issues of concern. This might include, for example, the provision of an anonymous, independently run hotline/email address/postal address, the details of which can be posted within mining communities from which a company is known to source its minerals. This should improve the ability of community members to raise concerns with the company, where exploitative behaviour by armed group takes place.
See the OECD Supplement on Tin, Tantalum and Tungsten (contained in the Due Diligence Guidance) for more specific guidance for both upstream and downstream actors – including buyers, smelters, traders and others.
Both ‘upstream' and ‘downstream' companies are encouraged to ensure that their supply-chain policies are being implemented by suppliers in reality. The UN Group of Experts encourages ‘downstream' companies to assess the due diligence efforts of their supplying smelters and refineries, including an assessment of the degree to which they have carried out due diligence on their own supply chains. Meanwhile ‘upstream' companies should instead focus on conditions of mineral extraction, trade and export from conflict-affected countries.
Downstream companies
Specific measures recommended by the OECD to downstream companies (the group into which most MNCs would fall), include the following:
In addition, the company should review the quality/depth of smelters'/refiners' supply chain due diligence, including:
The OECD further suggests that downstream companies participate in broader industry programmes. This includes, for example, the carrying out of "joint spot checks" of smelters'/refiners' facilities as part of the broader risk management programme.
Global Witness provides useful guidance relating to the assessment of smelters' supply chain controls in Annex B of its report, Do No Harm – Excluding Conflict Minerals from the Supply Chain.[61]
Upstream companies
The UN Group of Expert's Due Diligence Guidelines recommend that ‘upstream' companies use information gathered in their due diligence efforts and supplement this with "their own or jointly conducted on-the-ground assessments". This includes particular focus on:
Specific measures recommended by the OECD to upstream companies, include the following:
The OECD notes that the on-the-ground assessment team in the "conflict-affected and high-risk areas of mineral origin and transit" should obtain information on suppliers and the context of "mineral extraction, trade, handling and export".64 Global Witness notes that the nature of the work of such teams, and the contexts in which they will work, means that it is essential to put in place effective security arrangements in place to ensure their safety.65
The assessment team should ideally consult with local/central government, as well as local civil society groups with local knowledge and expertise. They should also examine opportunities for the support of community monitoring networks to gather information for the assessment team. Information generated by the assessment team should be shared with other players in the supply chain.
According to the OECD, assessment team activities should specifically focus on:
According to Global Witness, companies should also review ‘chain of custody data'. This includes:
See the OECD Supplement on Tin, Tantalum and Tungsten (contained in the Due Diligence Guidance) for more specific guidance for both upstream and downstream actors – including buyers, smelters, traders and others. This includes a detailed set of questions that the assessment team should answer.
Likewise, Global Witness provides useful guidance relating to on-the-ground assessment in the Great Lakes Region in Annex A of its report, Do No Harm – Excluding Conflict Minerals from the Supply Chain.68
The UN Group of Expert's Due Diligence Guidelines recommend that companies develop two sets of risk management strategies:
It is recommended that companies regularly review their risk mitigation measures to ensure they remain appropriate given facts on the ground and their supply chain policies.
The OECD Due Diligence Guidance further recommends that:
Risk mitigation measures recommended by the OECD for upstream companies to address the issues raised in its model policy include the following (amongst others):
Measures that the OECD suggests can be used to monitor the performance of a company's risk management system include the following:
See the OECD's Supplement on Tin, Tantalum and Tungsten for more specific guidance for upstream and downstream actors within the respective value chains of these metals.
The UN Group of Expert's Due Diligence Guidelines recommend that all company due diligence processes are subject to third-party auditing in order to ensure their credibility. This includes, for example, the independent auditing of refineries and smelters in order to assess whether their due diligence efforts capture "sufficient information to enable a reasonable inference of relevant individuals' and entities' compliance or non-compliance with due diligence at the smelter/refinery level and upstream from the mine site."
If necessary (i.e. the information being collected by the smelters and refineries is insufficient), then third-party auditing can potentially be extended further ‘downstream'.
As part of this process, audit activities should include the following:
The UN Group of Experts specifies a range of stakeholders that auditors should specifically consult, including "joint assessment teams, local and central government authorities, the FARDC auditorat militaire, diggers' associations, the Group of Experts, MONUSCO and civil society organizations." In addition, the UN has recommended that the Security Council consider endorsing or recommending an "institutionalized mineral supply chain mechanism that would oversee and support the audits of smelter/refinery due diligence". This guidance can likewise be applied to equivalent stakeholders in alternative locations to DR Congo.
Likewise, the OECD Due Diligence Guidance recommends that third party auditors meet with upstream companies' on-the-ground assessment teams to "review the standards and methods for generating verifiable, reliable and up-to-date information, and audit a sample of evidence relied upon by the smelter/refiner". Furthermore, it is advised that third party auditors consult with "local and central governmental authorities, UN expert groups, UN peacekeeping missions and local civil society."
The OECD further recommends that all actors in the supply chain work with governments and civil society to incorporate relevant "audit scope, criteria, principles and activities" into an "institutionalized mechanism that would oversee and support the implementation of due diligence for responsible supply chains of minerals from conflict-affected and high-risk areas". This would include the accreditation of auditors, oversight and verification of audits, the publishing of audit reports (notwithstanding considerations of confidentiality and competition), the development of relevant training modules, and the provision of relevant grievance mechanisms.
See the OECD's Supplement on Tin, Tantalum and Tungsten for more specific guidance for upstream and downstream actors within the respective value chains of these metals.
The OECD Due Diligence Guidance suggests that companies "publicly report on their supply chain due diligence policies and practices", for example through "their sustainability, corporate social responsibility or annual reports".
Downstream companies
The OECD recommends that downstream companies provide the following details in particular:
Upstream companies
The OECD recommends that upstream companies provide the following details in particular:
See the OECD's Supplement on Tin, Tantalum and Tungsten for more specific guidance for upstream and downstream actors within the respective value chains of these metals.
Additional elements
Global Witness goes further and suggests that companies identify all of their suppliers back to the mine of origin of relevant minerals, what commitments these suppliers have made in terms of conflict minerals, and what due diligence they are carrying out.73
Furthermore, the NGO suggests companies disclose a ‘supply chain map', setting out the following (on a disaggregated basis):
This is likely to be further than many companies are willing to go due to the cost, time and energy involved in such a process.
Increasing focus is being placed by a number of companies on the establishment of certification schemes to exclude conflict minerals from international markets and to assure consumers that the products they are buying are ‘conflict free'.
The most notable example of such a scheme is the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme – a multi-stakeholder programme aimed at regulating the export and import of rough diamonds, which came into force in January 2003 (see case study). This was formed in light of evidence that during the 1990s, illicit rough diamond exports helped finance a number of rebel movements in countries such as Angola, Ivory Coast, DR Congo and Sierra Leone. Under the Kimberley Process, all international rough diamond shipments must be accompanied by an official certificate issued by the exporting government, stating that they are conflict free. This is supported by a system of internal controls the producing countries, as well as those countries in which diamonds are traded, cut and polished. Although the Kimberley Process has been notable in its success at excluding conflict diamonds from world diamond flows, there has been recent criticism around its ability to address non-conflict situations, where human rights abuses are nonetheless being carried out in relation to diamond extraction. This has been a particular concern with respect to the Marange diamonds fields of Zimbabwe, where state security forces have been accused of serious abuses against illegal diggers.
In January 2010, for example, the World Gold Council (WGC) established the Responsible Gold initiative. Under the initiative, the WGC is planning to develop standards that will help establish a Responsible Gold brand within the global market place. This would be based on a system whereby gold miners, traders, transporters and refiners can obtain third party verification that their product meets the necessary Responsible Gold standards. These standards will initially relate to chain of custody (i.e. to establish the origin of Responsible Gold) and conflict gold (to ensure conflict-related gold is excluded from the Responsible Gold chain of custody). It is planned that the initiative will be aligned with other relevant initiatives including, for example, the OECD Due Diligence Guidance and the Dodd-Frank Act in the US.
47 UN Security Council, Committee established pursuant to Resolution 1533 (2004) concerning the Democratic Republic of the Congo, see http://www.un.org/sc/committees/1533/
48 i.e. the national army
49 This is defined by the Enough Project as follows: "(Score: less than 5%) These companies have done next to nothing to shift their practices toward conflict-free. They are not members of the electronics industry association process, and have not engaged with other stakeholders."
50 Bloomberg, 1 April 2011, Apple, Intel-Backed Rules on Conflict Minerals Stall Exports, http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-04-01/apple-intel-backed-ban-on-conflict-minerals-may-help-spur-exports-to-asia.html
51 UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises, 7 April 2008,Protect, Respect and Remedy: a Framework for Business and Human Rights,http://www.reports-and-materials.org/Ruggie-report-7-Apr-2008.pdf; further reports by the Special Representative to the UN Human Rights Council provide additional guidance: Business and human rights, Towards operationalizing the "protect, respect and remedy" framework, 22 April 2009, http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/11session/A.HRC.11.13.pdf; and Business and Human Rights: Further steps toward the operationalization of the "protect, respect and remedy" framework, http://www.reports-and-materials.org/Ruggie-report-2010.pdf
52 UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises, 21 March 2011,Guiding Principles for the Implementation of the United Nations ‘Protect, Respect and Remedy' Framework, http://www.business-humanrights.org/media/documents/ruggie/ruggie-guiding-principles-21-mar-2011.pdf
53 UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises, 21 March 2011,Guiding Principles for the Implementation of the United Nations ‘Protect, Respect and Remedy' Framework, Principles 17-21, http://www.business-humanrights.org/media/documents/ruggie/ruggie-guiding-principles-21-mar-2011.pdf
54 UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises, 7 April 2008,Protect, Respect and Remedy: a Framework for Business and Human Rights,para.57, http://www.reports-and-materials.org/Ruggie-report-7-Apr-2008.pdf
55 UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises, 21 March 2011,Guiding Principles for the Implementation of the United Nations ‘Protect, Respect and Remedy' Framework, Principles 11-24, http://www.business-humanrights.org/media/documents/ruggie/ruggie-guiding-principles-21-mar-2011.pdf
56 UN Due diligence guidelines for the responsible supply chain of minerals from red flag locations to mitigate the risk of providing direct or indirect support for conflict in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo,http://www.un.org/News/dh/infocus/drc/Consolidated_guidelines.pdf
57 Suggested actions are for guidance only. Depending on the circumstances, these may not be relevant to all companies. The suggested actions may be adopted and adapted in certain regions/sectors/contexts where risks are known to be greatest. The adoption of these actions will also be dependent on the company's existing policies, resources and procedures, as well as the cost-benefit of undertaking these actions, which indeed might be the root cause of the dilemma itself. The aim of the Forum is to encourage business, trade unions, civil society and other stakeholders to engage on the dilemma topic, to augment the suggestions and to provide additional insight and case examples.
58 OECD, 2011, Due Diligence Guidance for Responsible Supply Chains of Minerals from Conflict-Affected and High-Risk Areas, http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/62/30/46740847.pdf
59 Global Witness, July 2010, Do No Harm – Excluding Conflict Minerals from the Supply Chainhttp://www.globalwitness.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/do_no_harm_global_witness.pdf
60 OECD, 2011, Due Diligence Guidance for Responsible Supply Chains of Minerals from Conflict-Affected and High-Risk Areas, http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/62/30/46740847.pdf
61 Global Witness, July 2010, Do No Harm – Excluding Conflict Minerals from the Supply Chain, http://www.globalwitness.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/do_no_harm_global_witness.pdf
62 UN, Due diligence guidelines for the responsible supply chain of minerals from red flag locations to mitigate the risk of providing direct or indirect support for conflict in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, http://www.un.org/News/dh/infocus/drc/Consolidated_guidelines.pdf
63 OECD, 2011, Due Diligence Guidance for Responsible Supply Chains of Minerals from Conflict-Affected and High-Risk Areas, http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/62/30/46740847.pdf
64 Likewise a joint team can be established with other relevant companies.
65 Global Witness, July 2010, Do No Harm – Excluding Conflict Minerals from the Supply Chain, http://www.globalwitness.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/do_no_harm_global_witness.pdf
66 OECD, 2011, Due Diligence Guidance for Responsible Supply Chains of Minerals from Conflict-Affected and High-Risk Areas, http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/62/30/46740847.pdf
67 Global Witness, July 2010, Do No Harm – Excluding Conflict Minerals from the Supply Chain, http://www.globalwitness.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/do_no_harm_global_witness.pdf
68 Global Witness, July 2010, Do No Harm – Excluding Conflict Minerals from the Supply Chain, http://www.globalwitness.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/do_no_harm_global_witness.pdf
Although minerals have played an important role in a wide range of conflicts throughout history, it was the rise of ‘conflict diamonds' that saw this relationship enter into the broader public consciousness. The UN General Assembly defines conflict "diamonds that originate from areas controlled by forces or factions opposed to legitimate and internationally recognized governments, and are used to fund military action in opposition to those governments or in contravention of the decisions of the Security Council".74
Conflict diamonds were used by rebel movements –mainly during the 1990s – as a source of funding for wars against established governments in countries such as Angola, Ivory Coast, DR Congo and Sierra Leone. This includes, for example:
It was in response to such events – as well as the need for countries and companies to protect the legitimate diamond trade, and by extension the psycho-emotional value of diamonds in the mind of the consumer– that the Kimberley Process was established.
The UN, governments, NGOs and the diamond industry worked together to establish a system whereby participant governments are required to certify that sealed, international shipments of rough diamonds are free from conflict diamonds. Certification is issued by the exporting country, and is supported by a range of internal controls in the producing country – as well as those countries where diamonds are cut and polished. The Kimberley Process came into effect in January 2003, and has contributed to the exclusion of conflict minerals from the global diamond trade – with around 99.8% of world diamond production taking place in participant countries.
The international diamond industry has developed a system of warranties to support the implementation of the Kimberley Process throughout the value-chain – including both rough and polished diamonds. It requires all invoices for the sale of diamonds and jewellery containing diamonds to include a written guarantee that the diamonds are conflict-free.
As conflicts in sub-Saharan African diamond producing countries ceased, the original impetus for the Kimberley Process subsided. Nonetheless, it established a model – in terms of both issue and solution – that was to be applied to at least some degree to the issue of a wider range of conflict minerals in DR Congo. With diamonds, the relationship between the mineral in question and the consumer is a very direct one – it is essentially the same as when removed from the ground, albeit cut and polished. As a result, there was a clear danger that consumers would start to view diamonds per se as less desirable or valuable as a result of their association with conflict and related human rights abuses.
Many other minerals – and metals in particular –tend to be produced on much larger scale, are subject to intensive processing (including amalgamation, smelting and refining), are manufactured into (often small and invisible) components, which are then integrated into mass-manufactured consumer products. As a result, the relationship between sourcing and consumer is much less direct.
Nonetheless, campaigners have built on the findings, for example, of the UN Group of Experts on conflict minerals in DR Congo in order to turn what was originally a localised, geopolitical issue into a global consumer issue. They have done so by introducing more transparency around the journey of these minerals through relevant supply chains and into consumer goods. This has helped generate much higher levels of public awareness– and has also helped generate political pressure in the US that contributed to the passing of relevant provisions in the Dodd-Frank Act.
Human rights that are typically related to the illegal exploitation of mineral resources by armed groups include:
Right to life (ICCPR, Article 6): Again, armed operations carried out by groups relying on – and trying to control – conflict minerals regularly result in the loss of life. This is both as a result of their direct impacts (such as battles, the ‘clearance' of populated areas, and efforts to induce the mass movement of people) or their indirect impacts (such as dislocation of populations, hunger and disease). In addition, loss of life is also likely to take place at controlled mining sites. This might be intentional (such as illegal killings of mineworkers and/or local people due to perceived theft and/or the enforcement of discipline in forced labour situations) or unintentional (with many illegal artisanal mine sites controlled by armed groups offering very dangerous working environments that reportedly result in, for example, serious collapses of ground and other fatal health and safety incidents).
Right not to be subject to torture, cruel, inhuman and/or degrading treatment or punishment (ICCPR, Article 7): Many of the armed groups controlling or exploiting mines in conflict area have particularly bad human rights records. This not only includes their behaviour during armed operations funded through conflict minerals (which are somtimes attended by – for example – mutilation, rape, torture and other very serious abuses in order to terrify local populations), but also the means by which they control conflict minerals in the first place. This can include, for example, actions to control local communities, punish perceived ‘thieves', take control of mine sites, enforce mine discipline amongst workers, etc.
Rights to liberty and security of person (ICCPR, Article 9) and Right to physical integrity (Articles 6 and 7 ICCPR): General conditions of lawlessness and the effective control of significant areas by armed groups through the use of intimidation and violence means liberty, security of person and physical integrity is likely to be infringed upon. This is as true in and around mining sites, as in many rebel-controlled areas in general.
Prohibition on slavery, servitude or forced labour (including sexual and economic exploitation and trafficking) (ICCPR, Article 8): Armed groups controlling conflict mineral sites often rely on forced labour for the extraction of minerals. This is reportedly attended by the use of violence, exploitative commercial terms and severe discipline to ensure that they are able to get members of the artisanal mining community – or local community members in general – to extract the minerals on their behalf. Furthermore, there are reported to be cases of sexual slavery and exploitation on the part of armed groups that rely on conflict minerals for their financing.
Prohibition of child labour (Convention on the Rights of the Child (adopted 20 November 1989, entered into force 2 September 1990); ILO Convention No. 138, the Minimum Age for Admission to Employment (1973); ILO Convention No. 182, on the Worst Forms of Child Labour (1999)): The unregulated conditions in which the exploitation of conflict minerals takes place – as well as local conditions of poverty – means that child labour is reported to be relatively common. ILO Convention No. 182, on the Worst Forms of Child Labour prohibits young workers under 18 from engaging in hazardous work. The ILO defines hazardous work as "work which by its nature or the circumstances in which it is carried out is likely to harm the health, safety or morals of children". This includes mining.
Right to a safe work environment (ICESCR, Article 7) and Right to health (ICESCR, Article 12): The very nature of artisanal mining means it often offers an inherently unsafe and unhealthy working environment. This is particularly the case where people are subject to coercive exploitation and where the state is unable to implement protective regulations. Common issues include unsafe underground workings, exposure to dust, exposure to chemicals, a lack of protective equipment –amongst others.
Right to an effective remedy for acts violating fundamental rights (UDHR, Article 8): The state will have only very limited authority in areas where conflict minerals are exploited – or where armed groups operate. As a result, there will rarely be any recourse for those who have been subject to serious human rights abuses linked (directly or indirectly) to conflict minerals.
Right to freedom of association (ICCPR, Article 22): Workers are highly unlikely to be afforded this right when subject to the control of exploitative armed groups in areas of weak governance.
Right to enjoy just and favourable conditions of work (ICESCR, Article 7): Artisanal miners under the control of coercive armed groups are unlikely to be in a position to secure acceptable conditions of work and will have very little leverage in relevant negotiations. This – as well as the absence of legitimate government regulation – is one of the key causes of exploitation in conflict mineral producing areas.
Right to freedom of movement (ICCPR, Article 12): Some armed groups use roadblocks to apply illegal and exploitative ‘taxes' on minerals being moved along significant transit routes. Furthermore, there may be situations in which artisanal miners working under the control of armed groups are forbidden from leaving the area – in order to ensure mining continues to take place. Likewise, the deliberate terrorisation of local people in order to clear and control areas is also likely to infringe on this right.
69 UN, 2011, Due diligence guidelines for the responsible supply chain of minerals from red flag locations to mitigate the risk of providing direct or indirect support for conflict in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, http://www.un.org/News/dh/infocus/drc/Consolidated_guidelines.pdf
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